Meaning of Life and Happiness Essay Example for Free

Meaning of Life and Happiness Essay I do not think that there is a single person in the world who can say that knows what happiness actually is and, more importantly, that knows how to achieve it. We sometimes get the glimpse of pure happiness but those moments are so rare and so intense that we only recognise them too late. Each of us understands this feeling in a different way†¦I, for instance, see it as the one that can make you feel that there is no worry in life and nothing and nobody can hurt you anymore. For me, it is when you feel like you can do anything and forget about the past, the future, just enjoying the mere present. In my case, it is one of two feelings that can make you cry with all your heart†¦because it is too much for you to express in plain words or pointless gestures. â€Å"Tears are words that the heart can’t express† a wise man once said and could have never said it better, as happiness is that joy which is so strong that sometimes even hurts. However, I never remember the recipe for happiness and even if I did I do not think it would work again because one of its components is also hazard. Still, this does nt make me stop searching for it and devote it everything I do, I am and I achieve. Likewise, each person I’ve ever met, consciously or not, did the same†¦we want to get something, to become someone. Why? Not because that would make us feel miserable, but fulfilled and maybe a little bit more: happy. Hence, I strongly believe that happiness is the main purpose of our lives, the whole aim of our ephemeral existence. We are born happy and we want to die the same; this is the true ideal that we all crave for reaching. Money, wealth, knowledge mean nothing, without someone who cares about what you have achieved. Human beings, whether they like admitting it or not, need other human beings to share their secrets with, to share their joy or sorrow; as genuine joy can only become happiness if there is another person by your side. In other words, happiness is, in my opinion, the actual meaning of life; and life seems so complicated especially because we seldom get to its core, we almost never get to know what happiness feels like†¦and afterwards all that remains is an unclear memory of the moment and a wish of feeling it again.

Gothic Cathedral Essay Example for Free

Gothic Cathedral Essay Gothic architecture was developed from a Christian perspective, and therefore attained its most meaningful expression in churches. Clerics began to demand taller churches with more windows than had been present in the dark, but sturdy Romanesque churches. This desire was derived from new intellectual and spiritual concepts that took a more rational view of God, and saw God encompassed many things, such as light, reason and proportion. The Gothic church displayed a visual attempt to leave behind the mysterious world of the Romanesque, and create a setting that was drawn toward light and purity that could be an image of heaven. The middle class also had a great influence on the Gothic style as they desired churches that could reflect their economic power and social status. The most magnificent characteristics of Gothic style were the use of light and relationship between structure and appearance. Other defining characteristics were that the massive thickness of the walls from Romanesque architecture were replaced with membrane-thin frameworks used for enclosure which could support nothing but their own weight. Ribbed vaults were used to allow lighter materials to be placed between stone ribs, thus reducing weight. The weight of the walls and roof were no longer supported by columns, but by external flying buttresses. They also used pointed arches and slender columns to lift the ceiling, which created an overwhelming height. Wall paintings, which had been common in the Romanesque, were now replaced with beautiful and enormous stained glass windows that allowed more light into the structures, imbuing all with a sense of warmth and color. Chartres Cathedral-Interior Chartres CathedralInterior The cathedral at Chartres was built during the Gothic period, and it showed an ideal of harmony within its structure and contents. Work on the cathedral started in 1194, and was mostly completed in 1220. It emphasizes strong vertical lines in its structure. The stained glass windows that are used in this cathedral, (it has 176), are recognized as the finest example from the gothic style. Today, 94% of the stained glass is original, and it is the largest, most extensive collection of medieval glass in the world. Rose windows were used. The primary subject of the great roses is the Virgin and the Child. The rose windows created wholeness and completeness. Indeed, it  has a special relationship to the Virgin Mary in that it portrayed more realistic and humane qualities of the Virgin Mary. The cathedral reflects the strong influence that God held over the people at that time. It shows an expression of piety and local identity to those that were proud to live in the vicinity of the cathedral itself. It enhanced civic pride, and was the focus of the town itself.

Does Democracy Ensure Free

Does Democracy Ensure Freedom Essay Does democracy ensure freedom? I believe democracy can ensure freedom, but not always, thus my answer is maybe. For democracy is a form of government that rely on a system of law in which individuals are treated equally while having fair access to the legislative process through electing official who will act in their constituent’s interest and voice their concern. Through proper protection with legislation, individuals freedom can be ensured. Yet the nature of democracy favour majority thus it is possible for politician to cater to the mass to secure vote and have access to the seats of power. Democracy is unable to act if the votes are tied, such flaw can leads to politician abuse their power tilting the result either way to further his own goal. If elected official no longer voice the population yet game the system by continue to appease the majority, minority right and freedom can not be ensured. Government ultimately objective is to govern the people for the betterment of people, thus democracy reflects the need for it is form of government allowing peoples voice being heard through the elected officials. Each voters vote count and the majority trumps. Elected official then go on legislate laws that regulation that resolves the populations concern. Such fair access to the legislative process and equality before law ensure the population to be protected, the law are made by them and for them, protecting their freedom and rights. But democracy also follow majorities rule. It is possible for 49% of population to lose out simply because of the 2% difference. Yet if rights are cemented fully protected via charters, even minorities can escape such tyranny. Unfortunately, elected officials can not always complete reflect the desire of the entire population. They are at best incomplete projection if not catering to special interest or simply the mass for the system favours the majorities, and once tied vote occurs. The decision will lie solely on those in power. For few individuals to be able make decision that influence a nation, such power can be attractive if not lucrative, for there is motive and it is not hard to imagine such corruption taking place. Once a politician is no longer serveing the voter but himself, without proper check and balance for the government to self correct such mistake. It is to picture minorities right and freedom being sacrificed for the corrupted official to stay in power. The key all hinges on the soundness of said countrys legal system, if a government official have the power to alter laws, taking away rights and freedom as he pleases. The freedom can not be ensured. Yet, with a proper procedural fair legislative system, the inbuilt checks and balance will stop said corrupted official overstepping his position. The electoral system will kick in which official will be replaced if they do not deliver what is expected off them. With a solid charter of rights, even minoritys innate rights and freedom can be protected against majorities for the inalienable rights protect each of us and allow us to maintain the dignity we all possess. Freedom is the concept that verges upon the condition in which individual live their life accord to their free will. For they make their own choices without facing disabling condition nor the pressure of simply fulfilling the basic necessities of life. We choose how we present ourselves to the world and how we communicate our idea and thoughts. We decide on how to live our life, from our goal to our means of achieving said goals. Yet these seemly innate right are in fact fragile and vulnerable. The nature of government impose rules and regulation with our daily life. Our freedom is merely conditional, for we can only exercise our right and freedom to a certain extent. As matter of fact, our right and freedom can be taken away by the same law that protect our rights and freedom. But that is the truth of reality, freedom without bound is impossible. The physicality of reality impose restriction, scarcity of recourse and mortality of men. Civilization dictates rules from punishment of crimes to shame and guilt through morality. Thus government, a form of rule, can not truly ensure freedom for its conditional and with limits. Men has long realize such limitation, yet we still yearns for such notion for we are driven by our free will and we seek create such system for we are protected from not just each others but ourselves own infringement of rights and freedom. Democracy is still our best attempt at this unrealistic dream, the approach is simple, for a system of law made by people for people. We strive to effectively govern ourselves and keep our right and freedom. It is understandable to treat the question â€Å"does democracy ensures freedom ? † in an bifurcate manner. It is easy to state the fact that democracy is simply mob rules thus two wolves can vote having the sheep for dinner against the one lone sheeps objection. Yet it seems silly to categorize a whole countrys population into a predator/prey relationship, not to mention having a sound legal system in which inalienable rights of human beings are guaranteed can indeed prevent the two wolves ganging up on the sheep, minorities can still be sufficiently protected by law if the charter of rights allows. Further more, freedom can only be secure via proper system of law that protect human right and freedom, types of government should not be the deciding matter for ensuring freedom. As the above paragraphs have shown, democracy either ensure nor deny freedom, while there is no true freedom under any form of government for by definition of government, restriction and restraints are naturely imposed upon individuals. I still consider limited conditional freedom preferable to none for my inalienable right are protected even against the tyranny of majorities for this rights are inalienable. While democracy can allow favour toward the majorities and official in position of power, with proper checks and power established within the government, such issue can be self corrected. But without the legal safenet, minorities can easily been swapped up by politicians agenda and sacrificed to the tyranny of majorities. As a partying thought, if no form of government can achieve true freedom, what is the future of democracy with our society?

Blake Recalls Innocence and Experience Essay Example for Free

Blake Recalls Innocence and Experience Essay When attempting to penetrate into the deeper themes of William Blakes cycle of poems Songs of Innocence and Experience it can be useful to recognize that the title of the poems, as well as the subsequent division into sections of innocence and experience carries ironic connotations. Blakes intention in this cycle of poems, which he subtitled Shewing the Two Contrary States of the Human Soul (Ostriker, 1977, p. 104) was to posit the relationship of individual freedom and self-determination as being at one with Divine Will. Therefore, the state of innocence which is referred to in the cycles title as well as in the division of poems itself is meant to suggest not ignorance which leads to innocence but the innocence which is gained (or reclaimed) by the experience of the Divine. In fact the first poem in the innocence cycle, Introduction makes plainly manifest, Blakes ironic use of the titular connotations of innocence and experience. The poems second stanza reads: Pipe a song about a Lamb; So I piped with merry chear, Piper pipe that song again So I piped, he wept to hear (Ostriker, 1977, p. 104) The subtlety of Blakes theme here is so accomplished as to be almost invisible when one reads the lines without carefully probing each word for its connotations. Special attention must be given to each word-choice to extract from the sing-song pleasantness of the poem, the resounding and profound thematic ideas which lay beneath the poems surface. The word Lamb for example is capitalized not only to emphasize the mythic and religious ideas which are an intimate part of Christian symbolism, but to inform the reader that Lamb is, indeed, the theme of the entire poem. The repeating of the word piped is intended to show that the Divine voice is always trying to break through to humanity; the line So I piped, he wept to hear reveals that this song of innocence is, in fact, a song of experience: the knowledge that humanity is blind to, or in this case, deaf to, the Divine voice. While Blake emphasizes a state of idealism in his Songs of Innocence and Experience nowhere does he proffer the idea of passive acceptance of the worlds injustices or pain. In fact, passivity to the worlds suffering is defined not in the poems of innocence but in a poem of experience where Blakes verdict on the lack of empathy in the modern world could be made no more certain or clear. His poem London is a lament for precisely this idea of passive acceptance of world injustice and suffering: In ever cry of every man, In every Infants cry f fear, In very voice; in every ban, The mind-forgd manacles I hear (Ostriker, 1977, 128). In these lines, the capitalized word Infants denotes a connection to the Lamb of th other poems: in Blakes Songs of Innocence and Experience the lamb and the child are both symbols of the individuated self, and also of the Divine Will, which Blake, as mentioned, attempts to unify in his poetry. (Ostriker). The phrase mind-forgd manacles is important because it shows how a lack of empathy and compassion or even concern for the worlds troubles is a function of ignorance, of a bad kind of innocence a worldly oblivion, which stands in sharp contrast to Blakes idealized state of Divine innocence which is often frustrated by the materiality of ignorance of the world, but is nevertheless, an inheritance, according to Blake, which is due to every living individual on earth. The attainment of a state of ideal innocence in Blake denotes a state of self-awareness and self-identity which steps outside of the concerns of material wealth and social standing and relies purely upon the human heart as its gauge of success and its proximity to the Divine as a measure of its truth. Reference Ostriker, Alicia. 1977. William Blake: The Complete Poems. Penguin Books, New York.

Social Issue: Sex Work

Social Issue: Sex Work Sex work is a complex social issue that has historical and current underpinnings. It is perceived and performed differently with regards to different periods that construct it. Various perspectives that pertain to violence used, social perceptions, different ways sex is understood while different factors that shape it are examined. Current and future literature and research consider the way sex work is socially constructed and used as commodity. It is such perceptions that shape the way prostitution is performed and the way it influences society. Through methods employed involving research on literature pertaining to sex work further research has been conducted that unveils pertinent factors that shape sex work and its industry. Perceptions on sex as work in literature Literature on sex work pertains mostly to the nature and consequences that is stimulated by political agenda. It has been influenced to a high degree by feminist perceptions that view sex work as a form of male domination. It is not only exhibition of violence but violence itself. There is no forced or voluntary prostitution that is always coerced in certain way even if there is lack of awareness. The motivation behind prostitution has been explained as the expression of hatred towards female body although empirical studies fail to confirm this. Various publications view prostitution as oppression, violence, impinging human rights (Weitzer p. 212, 2005). Even though violence towards women is found to be less likely committed by customers feminist writing rejects terms that describe sex work as prostitution as politically motivated to enforce lack of choice that is exerted. Rather than prostitutes workers should be called survivors. Some women claim certain economic control they can exert through sex work. The oppressive values of society are part of cultural and legal production as part of marginalization and degradation that leads to its oppressive characteristics (Weitzer, p. 213, 2005). According Weitzer, it is the way prostitution is viewed in legal terms as not entirely legitimate that allows for marginalization and social discrimination. With reduced police protection, oppressive values can be maintained and culturally approved (Weitzer, p. 214, 2005). Research is needed in terms of dynamics of recruitment, socialization, surveillance, exploitation, coercion, and trafficking. Such research would shed light on power relations, types of workers who experience more domination than those who experience less domination (Weitzer, 2005). Perspectives on coercion Violent behaviour is exhibited physically, sexually, through intimidation, psychologically, intensly, infrequently, impulsively, sustainability, planning, rituals, verbally, cognitively, emotionally, linguistically, visually and through representation. Its purpose is to control the victim cognitively, verbally, and their interaction. The consequences can be life long. Its effects are apparent in anger, world-views, future endeavours, self-worth, the ability to deal with success and failure, to grow and develop growth. Violence may have effects that last throughout the entire life while they can also be reproduced when dealing with others. Most frequent perpetrators of violent behaviour are men but women may also exhibit violence under pressure. Males develop attitudes toward violence to exhibit their masculinity in sport, society, and military. Also Western organizations remain predominantly managed by men. Violence can also involve the denial of promise, cancellation of a project, theft, or destruction of something of value (Brewis Linstead p. 22, 2000). Organizational pressure that enforces certain behaviour organized around certain organizing principle so that sentiment, passion, and unpredictability are banished (Brewis Linstead p. 23, 2000). According to Marx and Weber organizations are constructed in such a way as to impose domination, where violence is adopted through authority and command. Sex work definition Prostitution unveils human desire while it can also be part of exploitation of victims. Some views propose feminist views opposing prostitution while others emphasize the importance to improve conditions that influence prostitution including patriarchal masculinity. Moral ethical positions incorporate views that stem from sex education and AIDS prevention programs. Some views reflect complexity of sex work, where those engaged in it may be ethical and moral while breaking social norms. Prostitutes as a diverse group are perceived differently in modernity and differently in post-modernity, where uncertainty, changing culture, lack of predictability leads to the fragmentation of desire as part of counter force to capitalist coercion towards uniformity and control (Brewis Linstead p. 190, 2000). To understand sex work relates to the way sexuality is understood along with masculinity and femininity. According to Foucalt, the Ancient Greeks regarded healthy existence as dependent on the way humans engaged in sex. Through self-mastery, such as that of senses mastery of others could be achieved (Brewis Linstead p. 190, 2000). Sexuality only became important around the eighteenth century. For the Ancients it was the diet that was the main focus of maintaining healthy human existence. The Western culture transformed the way we viewed our bodies, individuality and history. Sexuality changed through different conceptualization and forms in different periods and cultures (Brewis Linstead p. 191, 2000). The male sexual drive has been considered to have been formed through the perception of the male sexual drive as need and drive as part of biology, patriarchal expression of family, where male fidelity is not that important, and where sex is viewed in a permissive way that can incorporate two men and two women (Brewis Linstead p. 191, 2000). Since the late eighteenth century visiting prostitutes was permitted as part of male behaviour. Finding desire and love in different than married relationships was pathological according to Freud who thought that married men engaged in sex with prostitutes as it allowed them to respect their wives better as perverse tendencies were expressed in other contacts (Brewis Linstead p. 192, 2000). Women engaging in prostitution were seen as fallen while also being demonized. Post-modern view of sexuality encompasses the meaning of transaction rather than romance in sexuality while permissive space is established. It is also more than the exercise of p ower, where both parties play equal role. Prostitution reflects transactional nature as part of social consumption, where emotional and moral constraints are rejected. In this way prostitution is part of commodification of relations (Brewis Linstead p. 195, 2000). Current research There are various considerations involving sex work, such as criminal, moral, and legal aspects, including health risks. Other aspects also involve diversity, social determinants, stigma, and social exclusion on life chances. Critical issues that also concern government interest moves from social inclusion and harm reduction aspects. There is need to reduce harm, such as violence against those working in sex industry. The research deals with them more as one dimensional rather than people with lives of various dimensions. There are different regions, different sectors, and different sellers and buyers and various aspects of sex as work or exploitation (Benoit Shaver, 2006). Prostitutes that work on streets have been found to suffer greater exposure than those that work in massage parlours due to drug use. They suffer greater health problems, vein thrombosis, chest infections, hepatitis B and C, anxiety, and depression. Sex workers in sex parlours suffered only half as much as those that worked on streets and had different health needs (Anonymous, 2007). Media has been found to contribute to the construction, reproduction, and social stigmas associated with sex industry. Historical and spatial variability along with examination of roots is important in understanding the way stigmas are socially constructed. Stigmas reproduced in media narratives, where it concentrates on the way individuality is lost (Benoit Shaver, 2006). The complexity of issues involving sex work pertains to the diversity of people that are part of the industry, where different ways of participation and diverse relationships are formed. Various perspectives incorporate prostitution and its exploitative aspect in terms of work, slavery, and freedom. Previous research may have included certain flaws in the way it was conducted through standardization. Social-legal environments may encourage sex work access to resources (Benoit Shaver, 2006). A research in Netherlands showed the level of burnout reached three dimensions involving emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and personal competence. The reasons given included lack of choice, negative social interactions including violence, and lack of control in interaction with clients. Depersonalization was used to handle interactions with clients and was part of handling negative experiences. High level of emotional stress led to depression, anxiety, and hostility. Depersonalisation is common among sex workers who have to act in a way that is false, transforming feelings, and using personality as an instrument. Indifference and distancing help with handling difficult situations. Depersonalisation is used as part of emotion work (Vanwesenbeeck, 2004). Literature on sex work indicates that victimization and negative social interactions are part of stigma that involves burnout factors. Role-conflict, lack of social support, excess workload, lack of control, insufficient rewards as part of the burnout literature are most important. Literature also claims that there are higher levels of burnout in addition to age factors, duration of sex work, use of drugs, as well as the site of work, nature of interaction and the type of clientele influence also the levels of burnout. Sex workers that engage in window work deal with less affluent clientele but face more risks. Other symptoms involved lack of appetite, sleeplessness, tiredness, palpitations, dizziness, and headaches (Vanwesenbeeck, 2004). In the last year frequent bullying and pestering were experienced. Motives were negative for half of the studied group, and positive only for a quarter. Female indoor sex workers showed similar level of work-related emotional exhaustion to female health care workers, such as nurses. There were higher scores on depersonalization or cynicism than that of nurses and similar to those of patients. They showed a clinical level of cynicism, and the younger women suffered higher depersonalization and less personal competence. The main factors were lack of job autonomy, social support, role conflict, and negative social reactions (Vanwesenbeeck, 2004). Men who purchased sexual services displayed certain sex-buying behaviour. A significantly low proportion of buyers were responsible for violence towards sex workers. They rarely robbed, raped, and murdered sex workers although the research may have also been empirically inadequate (Benoit Shaver, 2006). Strip clubs induced income generating activities through a certain type of atmosphere created. The most attractive part of the job was claimed to be economic benefits. The evidence also showed that it was careful decision rather than coercion that led them to pursue their career choices. Attempts to organize were mostly unsuccessful while competition led to the deterioration of working conditions. Hence through sex wars in Canada, confusion led to distorted judgments although certain concerns were identified (Benoit Shaver, 2006). Coercion in sex industry Prostitution as part of psychological repression is difficult to ascertain as it can stem from ideology or individual features. Desire and need for certain type of experience can stimulate the demand for such an experience (Brewis Linstead p. 196, 2000). Even though prostitution reflects certain imbalance, it is unlikely to disappear along with the disappearance of such imbalance. Freud implicated desire as the desire for the desire of another person rather than the desire of such person only. Such perspective incorporates a symbolic aspect rather than the expression of domination. According to Lyotard, there are two forms of desire, where its central aspect is wish and when it is based on lack and represents coercion. In a similar way to Freud, Lyotard also perceived desire as the outcome of energy that is part of psychic means leading to the expression of energy flow. Along with Deleuze he conceives of postmodern desire as part of sensation rather than signification (Brewis Linstead p. 199, 2000). For Lyotard, through the fragmentation of desire the experience can be intensified along with authorization of existence (Brewis Linstead, p. 203). As emotions become part of pleasure leading to imaginative hedonism expressed through modern consumption. For Baudrillard, modern consumerist society adopted hedonistic morality based on pleasure in place of previous puritan morality (Brewis Linstead p. 208, 2000). Drug use is a way of coping with sex work. Under the influence of drugs, workers can alter their conception of their own self, adopting also a different identity. Hard drugs can also numb the awareness of the act. Through the use of drugs the work itself can be handled better along with better management of safer sex negotiation (Brewis Linstead p. 212, 2000). Another manner of coping involves psychological barrier. For a prostitute, work involves selling herself rather than just the product. Selling skills involves also certain right to the person of the worker during employment in a similar way to gaining control of the body when having sex. Prostitution incorporates the person and the body as opposed to profits that result from certain activities executed by employees although prostitutes receive money for the use of their body in a more real way (Brewis Linstead p. 227, 2000). Some prostitutes experience victimization through the lack of control over their bodies and what is being done to them. They feel anger due to their powerlessness that often can be result of coercion through those who are close to them, such as their boyfriends who are pimps. Threats that drive women on the streets encourage fear, forcing them to follow what they are told (Brewis Linstead p. 228, 2000). According to Vanwesenbeeck (2001), the reasons behind engaging in sex work stemmed from early victimization as part of the literature in the 20th century, where a high number of prostitutes were victims of abuse. Childhood abuse and prostitution were part of coping behaviour as part of stress work while others indicated that stagmatization along with various factors that involve institutionalization, association with pimps, drug abuse, and low employment possibilities led to engaging in prostitution. Childhood sexual abuse and prostitution were also linked through the above factors. Sexual victimization has been connected with prostitution in the Western world. Physical and sexual abuse, difficult family upbringing, and sexual precocity encouraged engaging in sex work. Lack of family attachment in females led to the association with older and a larger number of partners. Also running away would lead to prostitution. Such backgrounds would facilitate engaging in sex work. Sexual victimization during childhood was a higher determinant behind getting into prostitution than running away that was higher even than drug use. In non-Western countries it is economic situation that forces engaging in sex work rather than abuse. In some Taiwanese families the sense of obligation forced certain women to engage in prostitution or debt repayments, lifestyle satisfaction, while fraud or force constituted only a small proportion. There has also been migration as part of prostitution although due to lack of documented research it is difficult to estimate the actual number of those that engage in prostitution in this way (Vanwesenbeeck, 2001). Economic necessity along with sex work illegality enables traffickers to exploit the situation although there is insufficient data that can provide insights on patterns and exact numbers. Research concerning victimization data on the part of prostitutes indicates that sex work is traumatizing (Vanwesenbeeck, 2001). Motivating factors Literature pertaining to motives behind seeking sexual activities differ at different time periods. Before 1990, sexual activity was desired because of its variety and freedom to experiment while certain features, such as lack of emotional involvement seemed attractive. There have been less shame, pregnancy fear, more mystery, excitement while also being part of ego-boosting made it attractive. There have also been certain activities involved in such pursuit, such as business trips, army service, wifes pregnancy, or even seeking companionship. The participation of men in prostitution as clients has been viewed more favourably than that of women who have been perceived in a more degrading way than men retaining some of their identity. Although a relatively low proportion of men visiting prostitutes has been noted in Netherlands, the UK, and New Zealand, they tended to represent a diverse group. Literature indicates that in Thailand it is the influence of other men that leads them to buying behaviour, along with the desire for certain sexual acts, and the limited nature of contact. Among German men one distinguishing feature was a higher aggressive behaviour tendency, lower reactive behaviour while being dissatisfied with their lives (Vanwesenbeeck, 2001). Zimbabwean men tended to exhibit lower achievement, be more impulsive, seeking pleasure, exhibitionism and defensiveness. In Australia clients were less socially effective and sensation seeking while for Dutch men sexual sensation was most desirable among those seeking transsexual and transvestite sex. In New Zealand, relaxation, reluctance to engage in game playing and obligations were behind engaging in commercial sex (Vanwesenbeeck, 2001). Sex work perceptions Only a small number of American population perceived prostitution as legal. They included mostly Catholics, men, and Whites. Western feminists attach stigma to sex workers while receiving a paradoxical view due to its different attitude as work. Prostitution is considered to represent certain power exerted by men over women. Prostitution in this way can be part of double standards. Male prostitution received less interests as based on power relations to a lesser extent. In Thailand, sex workers are viewed with acceptance (Vanwesenbeeck, 2001). When prostitution is voluntary it is treated with particular criticism as forced prostitution encourages certain exonerating. When occurring without force its ill effects can be justified. It is more common that policies that are part of prostitution are more restrictive to the point of infringing on the rights of sex workers (Vanwesenbeeck, 2001). In Netherlands prostitution has been legalized and licensed although leading to the exclusion of migrant workers as legal advantages failed to be realized. Its only advantages seem only to be part of institutional arrangements, such as tax office, immigration, and police. In other countries, such as Germany, where prostitution is legal, it results in low insurance protection in terms of social security or health insurance. Legal status thus fails to guarantee that sex workers rights are protected (Vanwesenbeeck, 2001). One of the main factors that inhibits assuring adequate conditions in sex work is their ignorance on the part of the state. As part of structural economic inequalities, improvements in the way sex work is treated are limited. Such improvements as part of social stigma attached are impeded. Through the illegal status and social stigma sex workers are forced to endure the treatment they receive. It is through gender discrimination hence that adequate policies cannot be e ffected (Vanwesenbeeck, 2001). While Lyotard views sex work as an inner expression of certain unfulfilled desires that are manipulated by society itself, Vanwesenbeeck perceives is legal status and socially constructed behaviours responsible for the way prostitution is effected. The lack of acceptance of sex and race that are viewed negatively leads to the lack of acceptance also in the public life. According to Morgan, cited by Sojourner, it is the lack of acceptance of desires and their perception as troublesome that allows for the ability to be controlled. In this way society can impose certain wants and desires, where society accepts certain desires as its own even though they are exerted externally (Sojourner, 1988). Future research According to Weitzer, inadequate findings so far result from the concentration of research on street sex workers where different factors are involved as part of such work. Less research has been conducted in relation to indoor prostitution, male and female clients, transgender workers, and managers. Addressing such perspective can lead to a better view on work experience, power relations involved, gender inequality as part of different types of prostitution. It would also provide a more balanced view than the radical feminist view that is one-dimensional (Weitzer, p. 230). Management of prostitution exercised those who control workers while deriving profit from them. Although pimps most frequently promote prostitution and have almost complete control of their workers their protection is often viewed as inadequate while they themselves engage in rape and assaults. A small minority of sex workers admitted that their pimps offered them protection while engaging most frequently with fighting other pimps and competition. Different practices employed different pimps, in the same way that different establishments treat differently their sex workers (Weitzer, p. 228). Sex at work poses problems pertaining to sexual harassment or gender discrimination. There can be various manners and means employed that can deal with these issues, such as admitting any affairs taking place at work, where consensual agreements are reached and pertinent rules can be specified (Brewis Linstead, 2000). Conclusion There are various factors responsible for the way sex work influences society. Apart from motivating factors that drive participation, different means of coercion transform the way sex work is conducted. Viewed previously as the expression of prohibited desire, prostitution evolved into commodification of such desires. Socially constructed perceptions of sex work at the same time stimulate its participation. Although the radical feminist view perceives sex work as the expression of male domination, there are also other pertinent issues that are part of complex issues as well as relationship, including power relations involved. Sex coercion as part of human trafficking is another outcome of the social dilemma that involves sex work, constituting a serious although insufficiently documented issue. REFERENCES: ANONYMOUS, 2007. Street sex work takes its toll. New Scientist, vol. 194, iss. 2608 BENOIT, C. SHAVER, F., M., 2006. Critical issues and new directions in sex work research. The Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology. Vol. 43, iss. 3. BREWIS, J. LINSTEAD, S., 2000. Sex, work and sex work: eroticizing organization. London: Routledge. SOJOURNER, S., 1988. Sex work: prostitution. Off Our Backs, vol., 18, iss. 5. VANWESENBEECK, I., 2001. Another decade of social scientific work on sex work: a review of research 1990-2000. Annual Review of Sex Research, vol., 12 p. 242. VANVESENBEECK, I., 2004. Burnout among female indoor sex workers. Archives of Sexual Behavior, vol. 34, no 6. WEITZER, R., 2005. New directions in research on prostitution. Crime, Law Social Change, vol. 43, p. 211-235 Available through Springer database.

Análisis de la Producción Legislativa 1990-2008

Anà ¡lisis de la Produccià ³n Legislativa 1990-2008 I. Resumen El presente trabajo titulado â€Å"Anà ¡lisis de la Produccià ³n Legislativa 1990-2008†, tiene el propà ³sito de analizar el desempeà ±o institucional del Congreso, como Poder del Estado, especà ­ficamente a su funcià ³n legislativa, en el perà ­odo comprendido entre el 1 ° de enero de 1990 al 31 de diciembre del 2008. Esta investigacià ³n nace de la inquietud de la relacià ³n entre el Poder Ejecutivo y el Poder Legislativo a raà ­z de la modificacià ³n a nuestra Constitucià ³n en el aà ±o de 1994. Luego de una crisis de legitimidad de unos comicios electorales, se modifica la fecha de las elecciones para elegir al Presidente de la Repà ºblica; nos encontramos con un Poder Legislativo, donde la mitad del perà ­odo iniciarà ­a con un ejecutivo y la otra mitad con otro ejecutivo diferente. Surge la inquietud de evaluar la produccià ³n legislativa y La Efectividad del Poder Legislativo: Entre el Poder Polà ­tico y el Poder Institucional Hablar de la labor del Congreso en tà ©rminos de produccià ³n presenta retos conceptuales significativos pues dicha labor no es reducible a una cuantà ­a objetiva y tangible sobre lo que pueda emitir el criterio comà ºn. Existe una dimensià ³n cuantificable en dicha labor: el Nà ºmero de leyes y Resoluciones emanados de la Asamblea Legislativa en determinado perà ­odo. Intentar dar igual peso a cada unidad de legislacià ³n representarà ­a importantes diferencias cualitativas entre ellas. Peor aà ºn, puede crear una ilusià ³n de eficiencia en perà ­odos en que crece la aprobacià ³n de leyes triviales o de ineficiencia en perà ­odos en que se aprueban tan solo unas pocas pero fundamentales. Es posible analizar la legislacià ³n aprobada cualitativamente, clasificando su relevancia segà ºn la opinià ³n de expertos (Mayhew, 1991). No obstante, es imposible hacerlo sin introducir un alto grado de subjetividad en el anà ¡lisis. La excelencia objetiva de la legislacià ³n aprobada solo puede valorarse con respecto a la legislacià ³n potencial-la agenda polà ­tica en un momento determinado. El estudio analiza y evalà ºa la produccià ³n del Poder Legislativo como à ³rgano de gobierno. Aunque las funciones del Parlamento son muy amplias y variadas (representar, debatir, controlar) su actividad legislativa es la que lo ubica como Poder co-gobernante y le otorga una posicià ³n central en el proceso polà ­tico de toma de decisiones. La razà ³n para analizar la produccià ³n legislativa del Congreso consiste precisamente en que el cumplimiento de sus otras funciones ha sido visto, frecuentemente, como un obstà ¡culo para su desempeà ±o como à ³rgano de gobierno. Adicionalmente, su condicià ³n asambleistita y el pluralismo de su integracià ³n, son los factores estructurales que apoyan una visià ³n crà ­tica que ve al Poder Legislativo como una institucià ³n â€Å"ineficiente† que bloquea el proceso de gobierno. En consecuencia, este anà ¡lisis y evaluacià ³n de la produccià ³n legislativa del parlamento busca establecer con precisià ³n la cuantà ­a de su contribucià ³n al proceso de gobierno y las caracterà ­sticas con que se desarrolla. Nuestro trabajo se centra, especà ­ficamente en las leyes y reformas a leyes aprobadas por mayorà ­a absoluta y no aborda las otras funciones constitucionales del Congreso. Dentro de este campo, la investigacià ³n presenta los siguientes productos: a) Nà ºmero total de leyes promulgadas por el Poder Ejecutivo; b) Ordenamiento de ese conjunto en base a un â€Å"Indice de Importancia Polà ­tica†, con una metodologà ­a de ponderacià ³n; c) Efectividad del Poder Ejecutivo y del Poder Legislativo en materia de iniciativas legislativas sancionadas en dicho perà ­odo, d) Vetos Institucionales, e) Nà ºmero de Partidos Polà ­ticos. Los resultados de la investigacià ³n en cada uno de estos puntos, se exponen en los respectivos capà ­tulos del informe, respaldado con cuadros y grà ¡ficas. El estudio està ¡ organizado de la siguiente manera: El Primer Capà ­tulo del informe es fundamentalmente un desarrollo conceptual que presenta una caracterizacià ³n del parlamento como institucià ³n. Inicialmente se establecen, de forma general, el conjunto de funciones de los parlamentos en los regà ­menes democrà ¡ticos y se muestra como sus caracterà ­sticas pueden variar en funcià ³n de ciertos aspectos del diseà ±o institucional. En el segundo apartado se da cuenta de las crà ­ticas que han recibido los Congresos tanto desde quienes le exigen eficiencia como desde los que lo acusan de debilidad institucional. Finalmente se desarrolla una caracterizacià ³n del parlamento dominicano, describiendo su ubicacià ³n institucional, composicià ³n, funciones, se describen las normas que regulan el proceso legislativo y algunas puntualizaciones sobre la evolucià ³n del Congreso en las dinà ¡micas de gobierno. El Segundo Capà ­tulo del informe desarrolla una propuesta metodolà ³gica para evaluar la produccià ³n legislativa del parlamento. Como es natural, el trabajo parte de la consideracià ³n de la cantidad de leyes sancionadas por el Poder Legislativo. El nà ºmero total es 1329 leyes en 18 aà ±os es en sà ­ mismo significativo. De todas formas parece obvio que las normas aprobadas son de muy diversa naturaleza, complejidad e impacto. En consecuencia un anà ¡lisis en profundidad debe necesariamente realizar una discriminacià ³n entre ellas. Es asà ­, que de forma complementaria se propone la utilizacià ³n de un â€Å"à ­ndice de importancia† de las leyes que las clasifica en cuatro categorà ­as en funcià ³n de la utilizacià ³n de cuatro criterios. Los criterios refieren a: i) el origen del proyecto en funcià ³n de resulta de una iniciativa del Poder Ejecutivo o del propio Poder Legislativo; ii) su alcance en tà ©rminos de impacto en la sociedad; iii) la repercusià ³n en la opinià ³n pà ºblica; y iv) la existencia o no de debates en los plenarios de las cà ¡maras. El à ­ndice se construye agregando los cuatro valores para cada ley generando cuatro categorà ­as de importancia: Muy alta, alta, media y baja. El Tercer Capà ­tulo entra de lleno en el anà ¡lisis longitudinal de la produccià ³n legislativa en Repà ºblica Dominicana, 1990-2008. En primer tà ©rmino se muestra la evolucià ³n del nà ºmero de leyes aprobadas durante los 18 aà ±os incluidos en el estudio. En esta primera aproximacià ³n se constatan dos regularidades. a) Es la aparicià ³n de una tendencia creciente con el tiempo en el nà ºmero total de leyes aprobadas. b) Es la presencia de un ciclo dentro de cada legislatura que muestra una tendencia al aumento en el nà ºmero total de leyes aprobadas hacia el final de cada perà ­odo legislativo. En segundo tà ©rmino se observa la legislacià ³n aprobada durante el perà ­odo de anà ¡lisis en funcià ³n de los resultados que surgen de la aplicacià ³n del à ­ndice de importancia de las leyes. Allà ­ se observa que las leyes de baja importancia son la mayorà ­a. Asimismo los diferentes tipos de leyes muestran comportamientos cà ­clicos disà ­miles dentro de cada legislatura. Mientras la aprobacià ³n de leyes de alta importancia se concentra en los primeros aà ±os de cada perà ­odo presidencial. Se sostiene que esta diferencia obedece principalmente a dos factores. A) el Poder Ejecutivo promueve a nivel legislativo buena parte de su agenda de gobierno al inicio de cada administracià ³n. B) en los primeros aà ±os de cada mandato se constituyeron mayorà ­as legislativas que hicieron viables los proyectos propuestos por el gobierno, esa incidencia se manifiesta de forma muy fuerte al inicio de cada administracià ³n y va decayendo con el transcurso de la misma. El cuarto capà ­tulo: Claramente el alto porcentaje de leyes importantes aprobadas por unanimidad en el perà ­odo 1996-200 obedece a la legislacià ³n vinculada al proceso de desarrollo institucional que vivià ³ el paà ­s. En cuanto a la disciplina legislativa de los partidos polà ­ticos, lo primero a destacar es que todos los partidos dominicanos, contrariamente a lo que se cree, muestran niveles de disciplina muy altos. Al considerar las votaciones de las leyes de alta importancia, se observa que en la gran mayorà ­a de ellas, todos los partidos votaron en bloque. El à ºltimo capà ­tulo del informe estudia la interposicià ³n de vetos por parte del Poder Ejecutivo a las leyes aprobadas por el Parlamento. Este comportamiento responderà ¡ de forma evidente a la existencia y permanencia de una coalicià ³n mayoritaria de gobierno o como reaccià ³n del Poder Ejecutivo, en condicià ³n minoritaria, frente a un Parlamento que tiende a mostrarse â€Å"proactivo† y ajeno a sus prioridades en materia polà ­tica, a medida que se aproximan las siguientes elecciones. En una apreciacià ³n inicial, considerà ¡bamos que los congresos eran dà ©biles desde el punto de vista de la produccià ³n legislativa quienes otorgan la legitimidad democrà ¡tica al proceso ordinario de elaboracià ³n de la ley. Es decir, el paso de las leyes por el Congreso, no sà ³lo es obligatorio en todo proceso legislativo, sino que es el elemento legitimador de las mismas ante la sociedad. Durante el desarrollo de la investigacià ³n fue evidente que el Legislativo es un à ³rgano sumamente complejo, que requiere de anà ¡lisis muy detallados sobre las dinà ¡micas que le dan forma. Debemos reconocer que en Amà ©rica Latina el Poder Legislativo es un actor mà ¡s poderoso de lo que generalmente se cree y que —precisamente por ello— es necesario tenerlo en cuenta, pues en muchas ocasiones termina moldeando y acotando el poder que se atribuye a la Presidencia de la Repà ºblica. La propia investigacià ³n deja abiertas varias interrogantes y muestra la necesidad de profundizar en otras funciones del Congreso, que son igualmente relevantes y que en conjunto muestran la efectiva densidad del desempeà ±o y de la legitimidad de las Cà ¡maras como cuerpos primarios del sistema democrà ¡tico: control y fiscalizacià ³n del Poder Ejecutivo y de otros organismos estatales. Dentro de este campo, la investigacià ³n pudiese desarrollar los siguientes productos: a) desempeà ±o de los partidos polà ­ticos, en tà ©rminos de incitativa legislativa y en tà ©rminos de disciplina; b) anà ¡lisis del proceso de tramitacià ³n de las leyes consideradas, disciplina de los conjuntos partidarios, etc. Serà ­a interesante poder evaluar la capacidad de propuesta y de respuesta de las representaciones congresionales, las modificaciones que se introducen a los proyectos en debate y los eventuales rechazos, los tipos de aprobacià ³n y sus alternativas concretas, observando las formas de disciplina, los intercambios y los procesos de negociacià ³n (inter e intra partidarios y sectoriales, entre los legisladores y los agentes ejecutivos) y estudiar los procesos de trabajo en las comisiones, que constituyen nà ºcleos estratà ©gicos de la labor legislativa y laboratorios privilegiados para el anà ¡lisis. Todo lo cual implica una relacià ³n inter-institucional compleja y un proceso dinà ¡mico de construccià ³n de mayorà ­as, para la sancià ³n de cada producto legislativo concreto. Sin perjuicio de alguna publicacià ³n, por mà ­ desconocida, que sirva de antecedente, el presente trabajo corresponderà ­a al primer estudio de este tipo que se realiza en el Repà ºblica Dominicana, lo que es un avance importante para el anà ¡lisis de polà ­tica comparada. Confiamos en que el producto inicial de à ©ste informe sea de utilidad para la labor legislativa, los estudios acadà ©micos. Es nuestro interà ©s abrir el debate de la funcià ³n de los poderes legislativos en el entorno presidencialista. Esperamos que de su lectura el lector especializado pueda extraer à ¡ngulos de anà ¡lisis o sugerencias que deberà ¡n contribuir al despliegue de su propia reflexià ³n. II. El Congreso Como Institucià ³n 2.1.Tiempos de Cambios El Congreso ocupa un lugar relevante en la estructura de gobierno de Repà ºblica Dominicana, como lo establece la normativa constitucional, pero tambià ©n a causa de las modalidades del rà ©gimen polà ­tico y de la composicià ³n nutrida del arco de partidos, afirmando una cultura cà ­vica con tradiciones democrà ¡ticas. Es sin duda una institucià ³n estratà ©gica de un sistema que se ha ajustado histà ³ricamente a un formato efectivo de separacià ³n, de independencia y de equilibrio entre los poderes del estado, que resulta a su vez alimentado por la dinà ¡mica polà ­tica, las representaciones de la ciudadanà ­a y la intervencià ³n consistente de los partidos. Varias circunstancias han ayudado a à ©ste perfil. En primer tà ©rmino, existe una tendencia histà ³rica universal de larga data que afecta a todos los sistemas democrà ¡ticos y que redunda en el reforzamiento del papel del Poder Ejecutivo y de las demà ¡s unidades de la administracià ³n en los procesos decisorios. Mà ¡s que à ³rganos de ejecucià ³n tenemos asà ­ un verdadero â€Å"poder gubernamental† -segà ºn la acertada caracterizacià ³n de Maurice Duverger [1](1962)- que se desarrolla como nà ºcleo de produccià ³n polà ­tica, en un sistema cambiante de relaciones institucionales, con nuevos và ­nculos de separacià ³n y articulacià ³n, cooperacià ³n y competencia entre los cuerpos mayores de gobierno, que modifican a su vez las caracterà ­sticas del proceso legislativo y los congresos de ejercicio de las demà ¡s funciones del Congreso. En tà ©rminos mà ¡s generales, las transformaciones corrientes inciden en la configuracià ³n de los factores de poder y de las alternativas de control, en el à ¡mbito de la economà ­a y en el conjunto de la sociedad. Se modifican las formas, las funciones y hasta el alcances de la polà ­tica, el oficio de los partidos y los patrones de legitimacià ³n, en un contexto de creciente complejidad y al tiempo que van cambiando las estructuras del estado y los modos de gobierno, los sistemas de gestià ³n pà ºblica y los requerimientos tà ©cnicos De este conjunto de factores y de las transformaciones concurrentes en la normativa constitucional, surge otro cuadro de condiciones para el ejercicio del Poder Legislativo. Nuevos componentes y problemas en la fabricacià ³n de la polà ­tica y de la legislacià ³n, un atado de relaciones institucionales de balance dificultoso y relativamente asimà ©trico. Habrà ¡ exigencias renovadas en la gestià ³n parlamentaria, particularmente en lo que toca a los procesos de trabajo y a la organizacià ³n, a los flujos de informacià ³n y a la disposicià ³n de saberes, a la capacidad colectiva de sus cuerpos y al desempeà ±o particular de los representantes y las bancadas, a las relaciones con la ciudadanà ­a y la opinià ³n pà ºblica. Estos elementos trazan un escenario de transicià ³n: en el que el Congreso es un actor con responsabilidades primarias en los procesos de cambio y debe tramitar a la vez su propia reconversià ³n polà ­tica e institucional. Siendo de hecho, sujeto y objeto de la reforma polà ­tica y del estado. Un centro que compite por participar con efectividad en los procesos de decisià ³n y un organismo mutante, que ha de ajustarse a las innovaciones en curso, mejorar sus capacidades y la calidad de su produccià ³n, corrigiendo sus dà ©ficits de â€Å"modernizacià ³n† y afrontando constantemente nuevos desafà ­os. 2.2. El Congreso: Funciones y Desafà ­os A travà ©s de distintas à ©pocas histà ³ricas, desde la antigua Grecia, las ciudades-estados, hasta nuestros dà ­as, y con modalidades por cierto muy diversas, la existencia de una asamblea deliberante y representativa, que albergue las expresiones del pluralismo y sea una instancia de participacià ³n, constituye una pieza fundamental en la configuracià ³n de un Rà ©gimen Polà ­tico Legà ­timo. En los sistemas democrà ¡ticos modernos, los Congresos son precisamente asambleas de naturaleza colectiva, composicià ³n plural y carà ¡cter permanente (Cotta, 1988), cuya centralidad deriva de las competencias que en esa condicià ³n tiene asignadas, como poder del estado y à ³rgano de gobierno: representacià ³n polà ­tica y debate, cuerpo de control e instancia de decisià ³n, titular primario de la funcià ³n legislativa y responsable de otras funciones pà ºblicas (constituyentes, jurisdiccionales, de administracià ³n, actos habilitantes o de autorizacià ³n). La fortaleza y la debilidad de los partidos y del sistema de partidos, su consistencia y su grado de institucionalizacià ³n, influyen obviamente en el peso polà ­tico y la capacidad de accià ³n del Congreso. Por otra parte, el balance entre el Poder Legislativo y el Poder Ejecutivo, el ascendiente del Jefe de Gobierno, las formas de articular su liderazgo y de ejercer la conduccià ³n polà ­tica, asà ­ como sus potestades para determinar la agenda parlamentaria, que dependen de las recursos institucionales de que à ©ste dispone por derecho, pueden igualmente variar en funcià ³n de los poderes de fuente partidaria y asimismo, con la formacià ³n de coaliciones polà ­ticas. La forma de las coaliciones y en particular, los và ­nculos de cooperacià ³n y de competencia entre los partidos asociados, asà ­ como las relaciones con otros partidos y con las escuadras de oposicià ³n, dibujan el margen de discrecionalidad polà ­tica del Presidente, modelan los trà ¡mites concretos de formacià ³n de mayorà ­as y determinan (o â€Å"sobre-determinan†) las modalidades de construccià ³n de la agenda congresional y los procesos legislativos. Segà ºn ello, las Cà ¡maras y los sectores partidarios representados los que està ¡n en la oposicià ³n y los que revistan en la coalicià ³n que apoya al gobierno- pueden tener frente a à ©ste, alternativas diversas de autonomà ­a y de disciplina, con diferentes posibilidades de iniciativa y de respuesta. No obstante, en casi todas las democracias modernas, las grandes decisiones pasan necesariamente por el Parlamento, mediante actos de habilitacià ³n o autorizacià ³n y afirmando las prà ¡cticas del â€Å"gobierno por legislacià ³n† (Sartori, 1994). El Parlamento se ubica en una posicià ³n estratà ©gica, como poder del estado y à ³rgano de gobierno, en articulacià ³n con los otros poderes y con la red compleja de entidades que componen la estructura pà ºblica. Por su naturaleza y su calidad intrà ­nseca es depositario mayor de la soberanà ­a y tiene a su cargo el cumplimiento de cometidos que resultan esenciales para el desenvolvimiento del rà ©gimen democrà ¡tico, en tà ©rminos de legitimidad y de equilibrio institucional, de garantà ­as ciudadanas y de calidad de los procesos de decisià ³n polà ­tica. 2.3. Las Crà ­ticas al Congreso. Los eventos de la à ©poca han afectado la imagen pà ºblica del Parlamento y lo enfrentan a crà ­ticas y autocrà ­ticas, que apuntan doblemente a su là ³gica de funcionamiento y a su debilidad institucional, con razonamientos que hacen pie en la realidad parlamentaria y tienen causa cierta, pero no dejan de ser a la vez paradà ³jicos y con puntos discutibles. Ante las crà ­ticas recordadas cabe reafirmar que el cumplimiento estricto y adecuado de las responsabilidades Constitucionales del Parlamento es un componente fundamental de la calidad de la democracia y de la legitimidad del Sistema Polà ­tico. Esta premisa vale para el conjunto de las competencias del Parlamento, tanto para la funcià ³n legislativa, como para las funciones de representacià ³n y de control, en su calidad de instancia deliberativa y de à ³rgano de gobierno. En lo que toca especà ­ficamente al Proceso de Produccià ³n Legislativa hay que tener en cuenta el equilibrio complejo y de hecho la tensià ³n, entre los distintos â€Å"factores† y â€Å"valores† que intervienen: las necesidades del gobierno y los requerimientos de la participacià ³n parlamentaria, la calidad de la ley junto con la celeridad y la eficiencia en su tramitacià ³n, los intereses de la jefatura ejecutiva y las alternativas de respuesta que surgen en el recinto legislativo, el propà ³sito de construccià ³n de mayorà ­as, las disidencias en los bloques oficialistas y el derecho de oposicià ³n. La relacià ³n existente entre los Poderes Legislativo y Ejecutivo, debe ser analizada como una relacià ³n de equilibrio, de coordinacià ³n y de competencia. Este dispositivo regular, se presenta de manera caracterà ­stica en el tipo de gobierno presidencial, que ha sido definido como â€Å"un sistema de instituciones separadas que comparten el poder† (Neustadt, 1960). Tenemos asà ­ un esquema de separacià ³n, con dos instituciones legitimadas por una eleccià ³n directa, que por naturaleza y por diseà ±o, comparten el poder y compiten por à ©l en rigor, son orgà ¡nicamente â€Å"alentadas a competir† (Charles Jones, 1994), a fin de hacer valer su propia representacià ³n y para concretar su participacià ³n en los procesos de gobierno (Sartori, 1994 y Mark Jones, 1995). En tà ©rminos generales, en estos principios deberà ­a basarse el anà ¡lisis adecuado de las funciones del Parlamento, asà ­ como los debates tà ©cnicos y polà ­ticos sobre su performance, tanto en una perspectiva histà ³rica, como en lo que toca a las alternativas del tiempo actual. Y es con tales fundamentos en una reivindicacià ³n explà ­cita de los postulados indicados que entendemos necesario encarar este estudio sobre la Produccià ³n Legislativa, dentro de las coordenadas especà ­ficas del sistema dominicano. 2.4. El Proceso Legislativo Dominicano Las caracterà ­sticas del proceso legislativo en Repà ºblica Dominicana son conocidas y resultan familiares para los agentes polà ­ticos y en particular para los parlamentarios. Sin detenernos pues en los detalles de su descripcià ³n, creemos no obstante conveniente repasar algunos de los rasgos principales que encuadran dicho proceso desde el punto de vista polà ­tico institucional. En este sentido, debemos subrayar que se trata de un proceso regulado minuciosamente por la propia Constitucià ³n de la Repà ºblica en forma mà ¡s detallada que en otros à ³rdenes jurà ­dicos. Historia: El Poder Legislativo dominicano tiene su origen en el informe de la comisià ³n encargada de redactar la Constitucià ³n de 1844 que debà ­a ser sometido para su discusià ³n al Soberano Congreso Constituyente. La primera Constitucià ³n Dominicana del 6 de Noviembre de 1844 consagrà ³ un Congreso Nacional compuesto por 2 Cà ¡maras: El Tribunado y el Consejo Conservador. El trabajo de esos cuerpos legislativos en ese primer aà ±o fue intenso y lleno de dificultades, pues en el paà ­s todo estaba por reglamentarse. Entre las disposiciones tomadas, pueden citarse; la Ley de Instruccià ³n Pà ºblica, la Ley de Patentes de Navegacià ³n, la Ley del Rà ©gimen de Aduanas, la Ley de Administracià ³n Provincial, la Ley de Subdivisià ³n Polà ­tica de las Provincias, la Ley de Atribuciones y Responsabilidades de los Secretarios de Estado, la Ley que adaptà ³ los Cà ³digos Franceses y la Reforma a los Bienes Nacionales; entre otras. Funcià ³n: El Artà ­culo 16 de la Constitucià ³n Dominicana le asigna una definicià ³n especà ­fica de â€Å"Congreso de la Repà ºblica†, institucià ³n polà ­tica colegiada, de carà ¡cter pluralista y electivo, que funciona normalmente dentro del contexto de las democracias liberales, cuyas atribuciones principales son hacer las leyes, examinar todos los actos del Poder Ejecutivo y ejercer control sobre el gobierno y la administracià ³n en general. El Congreso ejerce el poder constituyente derivado. Esta conformacià ³n de las asambleas parlamentarias supone el establecimiento de un cuerpo estable y especializado, que inviste la representacià ³n de la ciudadanà ­a y de los partidos en un à ¡mbito de pluralidad, como: o Cuerpo Deliberante: Realizan deliberaciones e intercambio de posiciones y luego son discutidos pà ºblicamente por una asamblea constituida en autoridad pà ºblica. o Cuerpo Representativo: Permiten canalizar demandas emergentes (en tà ©rminos de agregacià ³n y regulacià ³n, de compromiso y de autoridad, articulando los intereses particulares con las producciones de interà ©s general). o Es un Órgano Polà ­tico Colegiado: Compuesto por un grupo de personas elegidas democrà ¡ticamente mediante sufragio popular para representar a los ciudadanos. o Es una Asamblea de Carà ¡cter Permanente: El Congreso origina decisiones continuamente, asegurando la gobernabilidad. o Expresià ³n de Pluralismo Polà ­tico: Es la à ºnica institucià ³n que consiente la presencia conjunta y continua de todos los sujetos polà ­ticos y no excluye ningà ºn sector social; llevà ¡ndole en fin a recoger opinià ³n, formarla y participar en las opciones de gobierno, fundamentalmente mediante la construccià ³n del orden jurà ­dico y del imperio de la ley, dentro de un estatuto constitucional que ofrece garantà ­as de divisià ³n de poderes, de control y de equilibrio polà ­tico. De acuerdo con el mandato Constitucional y las normas reglamentarias de la institucià ³n, las funciones Congresionales son tres: Legislar, Fiscalizar y Representar. o La actividad de Legislar o de hacer leyes es considerada la funcià ³n bà ¡sica de un Congreso, ya que los Senadores y Diputados tienen la indelegable misià ³n de transformar en textos claros, precisos y coherentes todo aquello que se pretende instituir como norma para regir conductas o relaciones individuales o colectivas. o El mandato y el mecanismo de Fiscalizacià ³n se refiere a la inspeccià ³n, fiscalizacià ³n, revisià ³n e interpelacià ³n sobre la actividad que realizan el Poder Ejecutivo y sus dependencias; es decir, Secretarà ­as de Estado y Direcciones Generales, asà ­ como sobre cualquier otro funcionario electo. Esta trabajo de control ejerce una funcià ³n de contrapeso frente a las actuaciones del gobierno central, o El concepto de Representacià ³n es moderno. En polà ­tica, implica actuar en interà ©s de los representados, de una manera sensible ante ellos. El compromiso de representacià ³n es doble, ya que los legisladores representan a la nacià ³n y a la provincia o circunscripcià ³n que los ha elegido. Congreso Bicameral: A travà ©s de la separacià ³n de poderes -que sigue siendo un principio vigente en las constituciones polà ­ticas modernas y en la nuestra- el Parlamento es a su manera un à ³rgano de gobierno (co-gobernante), mediante un desempeà ±o adecuado de sus dos cà ¡maras, donde ambas Cà ¡maras participan en pie de igualdad. La produccià ³n legislativa por lo que podemos decir que es un proceso fuertemente reglamentado y complejo, que presenta alternativas complicadas y diversas, desde el punto de vista del desempeà ±o institucional y la negociacià ³n polà ­tica, como pieza estratà ©gica de las acciones de gobierno. La constitucià ³n bicameral del Poder Legislativo ha sido histà ³ricamente concebida como un mecanismo que limita las posibilidades de dominio simple de una mayorà ­a parlamentaria (una eventual â€Å"tiranà ­a†, segà ºn los constitucionalistas clà ¡sicos, temerosos de la concentracià ³n de la autoridad pà ºblica) y es en sà ­ misma una garantà ­a suplementaria de la separacià ³n de poderes, actuando como un factor mà ¡s de equilibrio, al interior del organismo legislativo, en el conjunto de las instituciones pà ºblicas y en relacià ³n a la ciudadanà ­a. Es este un ingrediente bà ¡sico de la civilizacià ³n democrà ¡tica, que permite una mayor amplitud en la representacià ³n polà ­tica, favorece el pluralismo y brinda la oportunidad de un mejor procesamiento (polà ­tico y tà ©cnico) de los productos legislativos, en un mà ©rito que se extiende a otras competencias parlamentarias[2]. La estructura bicameral conlleva a que los proyectos de ley deban pasar necesariamente por el examen de ambas Cà ¡maras (â€Å"doble escrutinio†) y sà ³lo resulten aprobados si se llega a una voluntad coincidente de los dos cuerpos, con sus mayorà ­as respectivas. Si median diferencias, el proyecto es objeto de una segunda revisià ³n. Los sistemas bicamerales hacen que el proceso de la formacià ³n de la ley sea mà ¡s responsable y cuidadoso, evitando la aprobacià ³n precipitada de los proyectos y, ademà ¡s, resulta mà ¡s acorde con el rà ©gimen democrà ¡tico, por cuanto garantiza mejor una autà ©ntica representacià ³n tanto polà ­tica como regional y social. Conformacià ³n y Eleccià ³n: Nuestro Poder Legislativo està ¡ conformado por un Senado, compuesto por 32 miembros, uno por el Distrito Nacional y un representante de cada Provincia y. una Cà ¡mara de Diputados. El Senado està ¡ La Cà ¡mara de Diputados està ¡ compuesto por 178 miembros, a razà ³n de uno por cada cincuenta mil habitantes o fraccià ³n de mà ¡s de veinticinco mil. Por cada provincia debe haber por lo menos dos (Constitucià ³n Dominicana, Art. 24). Ambos representan al pueblo, a travà ©s de distintos partidos polà ­ticos, son elegidos por representacià ³n proporcional desde las listas partidarias y de forma nominal, por votacià ³n directa secreta y universal, en todo el paà ­s, para un perà ­odo de cuatro aà ±os (Constitucià ³n Dominicana, Art 21, Art. 24) Las elecciones nacionales para elegir diputados se harà ¡n mediante circunscripciones electorales con el objeto de garantizar que los ciudadanos que resulten electos en las elecciones generales, sean una verdadera representacià ³n del sector de los habitantes que los eligen.[3] La Constitucià ³n de la Repà ºblica no delega en los partidos polà ­ticos la representacià ³n del pueblo, mà ¡s bien los contempla como instrumentos para realizar el procedimiento electivo mediante el cual los ciudadanos eligen cada cuatro aà ±os a sus representantes. Quorum: En cada Cà ¡mara se requiere la presencia de mà ¡s de la mitad de sus miembros, como quà ³rum mà ­nimo para la validez de las deliberaciones. Las decisiones se toman por mayorà ­a absoluta de votos (Art. 30). La legislatura ordinaria dura noventa dà ­as, pero puede prorrogarse por sesenta dà ­as mà ¡s (Art. 33). Proceso Legislativo: En una investigacià ³n sobre la participacià ³n de los parlamentos en la produccià ³n polà ­tica, Olson y Mezey (1991) afirman que el proceso legislativo està ¡ determinado por tres conjuntos de factores: a) las influencias externas sobre la legislatura; b) la capacidad de actuacià ³n de los legisladores; y c) el contenido de las polà ­ticas que se procesan. Las influencias externas està ¡n determinadas por el dispositivo constitucional, la estructura estatal, la normativa electoral, el sistema de partidos, los intereses de los grupos de la sociedad y la agenda pà ºblica de gobierno. El alcance de actuacià ³n de los legisladores està ¡ determinado por el formato organizacional del Parlamento, las reglas de funcionamiento de las cà ¡maras y de las comisiones, las estructuras de los partidos, asà ­ como la operativa especà ­fica de las bancadas y finalmente, las caracterà ­sticas personales de los integrantes del cuerpo. El contenido de las polà ­ticas depende de la naturaleza de los proyectos que se presentan en el Parlamento y del tipo de actores e intereses a que tales proyectos afectan. Para alcanzar pues un resultado unificado, que manifieste la voluntad formal del Poder Legislativo como à ³rgano mayor del estado, es necesario recorrer un itinerario complejo, de instancias eslabonadas, que respeta la composicià ³n bicameral del Parlamento, asà ­ como la calidad representativa de los cuerpos que lo componen y de sus integrantes, respondiendo a los requerimientos tà ©cnicos y polà ­ticos de la gramà ¡tica legislativa. Este proceso està ¡ integrado por cuatro fases: a) la proposicià ³n del proyecto de ley, b) el trà ¡mite del proyecto, c) la aprobacià ³n de la ley, y d) la promulgacià ³n de la ley. En sentido general, Todo proyecto de ley puede iniciarse en cualquiera de las dos Cà ¡maras y pasan usualmente a las comisiones parlamentarias respectivas, sean à ©stas especiales o permanentes, actuando mà ¡s de una vez en forma integrada. Las comisiones son organismos fundamentales del sistema parlamentario y obran con un potencial de buena polà ­tica legislativa, agregando a esta tarea, una mayor densidad, garantà ­as y posibilidades de calidad[4]. Cuando el trabajo en la comisià ³n ha concluido, el proyecto es presentado en el plenario de la Cà ¡mara correspondiente para su discusià ³n y aprobacià ³n. Luego de admitido en una de las Cà ¡maras debe ser sometido a dos discusiones distintas, con un intervalo de un dà ­a por lo menos entre una y otra discusià ³n (Art. 39), de acuerdo al procedimiento para la aprobacià ³n de leyes. Sà ­, en el caso de que el proyecto fuese declarado de emergencia debe ser discutido en dos sesiones consecutivas (Art. 39). Cada Cà ¡mara es independientemente en sus funciones de acuerdo al criterio mayoritario de sus miembros. Cualquier proyecto de ley recibido en una Cà ¡mara, despuà ©s de haber sido aprobado en la otra, serà ¡ fijado en el orden del dà ­a; pero el mismo puede ser aprobado, modificado o rechazado por esta (Art. 40). Sancià ³n: El procedimiento de sancià ³n legislativa se inicia con el debate en Sala, a partir de la intervencià ³n de los voceros de las comisiones actuantes. Luego, los legisladores discuten el proyecto en general y luego en particular, artà ­culo por artà ­culo, mediante un procedimiento ordenado por el Reglamento de Funcionamiento de cada Cà ¡mara. Todo proyecto de ley aprobado por la Cà ¡mara de origen pasarà ¡ a la otra Cà ¡mara para su consideracià ³n, desarrollà ¡ndose un procedimiento de ida y

Point of View in Ken Keseys One Flew Over the Cuckoos Nest Essay

Point of View in Kesey's One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚        Ã‚   The choice that a novelist makes in deciding the point of view for a novel is hardly a minor one. Few authors make the decision to use first person narration by secondary character as Ken Kesey does in One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest.   By choosing Bromden as narrator instead of the central character of Randle Patrick McMurphy, Kesey gives us narration that is objective, that is to say from the outside of the central character, and also narration that is subjective and understandably unreliable. The paranoia and dementia that fill Bromden's narration set a tone for the struggle for liberation that is the theme of the story. It is also this choice of narrator that leads the reader to wonder at the conclusion whether the story was actually that of McMurphy or Bromden. Kesey's choice of narrative technique makes One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest a successful novel. It would be hard to ignore biographical information when analyzing a work by Ken Kesey, because of both his involvement with the Beat writers and as an advocate for hallucinogenic drugs. In fact, it is said that Kesey created the narrator of One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest during a peyote hallucination, when an Indian came to him (Tanner 21). While his choice of the Indian, a supposed deaf mute, as narrator seems out of the norm it is even more so when comparing Kesey to the other Beat writers. McMurphy can be compared closely to Dean Moriarty of Jack Kerouac's On The Road, but Bromden is nothing like Kerouac's narrator, Sal Paradise. Certainly the loud and boisterous McMurphy would have made for an interesting narrator for this novel but this would have provided for a very different ending. Even the... ...oo's Nest. Ed. George J. Searles. Albuquerque: Univ. of New Mexico Press, 1992. 5-11. Hunt, John W. "Flying the Cuckoo's Nest: Kesey's Narrator as Norm." Lex et Scientia 13 (1977): 27-32. Rpt. in A Casebook on Ken Kesey's One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest. Ed. George J. Searles. Albuquerque: Univ. of New Mexico Press, 1992. 13-23. Kesey, Ken. One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest. New York: Signet, 1962. Martin, Terence. "One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest and the High Cost of Living." Modern Fiction Studies. 19 (1973): 43-55. Rpt. in A Casebook on Ken Kesey's One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest. Ed. George J. Searles. Albuquerque: Univ. of New Mexico Press, 1992. 25-39. Semino, Elena and Kate Swindlehurst. "Metaphor and mind style in Ken Kesey's One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest." Style 30 (1996): 143-67. Tanner, Stephen L. Ken Kesey. Boston: Twayne, 1983.